Eternal vigilance & its unintended consequences
In 1971 at Loyola College, Chennai, shortly after the then government’s introduction of the 24th amendment, which restored powers of amendment of the fundamental rights chapter of our Constitution, Palkhivala thundered, “In a democracy, the price which you pay for being a citizen of a democracy is eternal vigilance. If you are not prepared to have eternal vigilance, you are unfit to be a citizen of a free democracy. Because freedom is not something you inherit in the bloodstream, you have to fight for it, cherish it, preserve it, otherwise it just vanishes.”
While the great constitutional lawyer certainly walked the talk, by leading arguments in the Basic Structure case, thereby helping the court neutralize the venom of the 24th amendment, in recent days the student movement led by recently anonymous persons and Sonam Wangchuk has exhibited a similar spirit. They have through the strength of their character in the face of serious odds given vent to the bubbling furies of aspirational India. In this process they have certainly reminded multitudes of slumbering samaritans and hopefully the government of the day that our democracy is neither a gift nor a permanent endowment that it is a living, breathing compact between the citizen and the State, one that demands constant renewal through active, informed, and fearless participation.
After the events of 20.7.2026, many may not again attend a protest rally which risks a repeat experience of the State’s loving lathis. Many may return home gloomy and deprived of the hope and energy they started the day with, but they may yet soon realise the unintended positive externalities that may result from their just showing up not only on 20.7.2026 but on each day before that. For it is most certainly on the back of the present protestors’ continued demand for a conversation and accountability that numerous others have found and will continue to find their till now silent voices in addition to providing an impetus to opposition politicians seeking to hold the government to account.
Having said the above, the present movement has only gathered such widespread and organic support, much to the chagrin of those who obsess over ‘narrative control’, because of real grievances and more importantly due its peaceful and Gandhian conduct, dehors of any lumpen elements. This conduct will not only sustain the demand for accountability but is also a silver lining about the nature and character of India’s demographic dividend, which is often mischaracterised as jobless and rancorous youth ready to expend incel energies on hollow sloganeering and acts of vandalism.
For the present government, after returning to its political zenith following the string of state election victories, the present student uprising and the fallout from its less than benign handling pose a stern test. There is no doubt that the battle hardened, ear to the ground and politically astute ruling dispensation will expend all efforts and use all available levers to restore status quo ante. But one can only hope that in its dealing with the situation it would be best advised by following Wangchuk’s advice to the government via an interview dt. 13.7.2026 to exercise narm-dilli (large-heartedness) as opposed to kathorta (hardness) in dealing with the situation. For in their recent fitness test as citizens of democracy, many young people have now passed from a stage of being politically aware to being politically alive, and a government that listens and is receptive of real problems is certainly one that will be appreciated come the ballot box.
Disclaimer
Views expressed above are the author’s own.